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By Gerd Nonneman

Within the post-9/11 weather, the position of center jap and North African (MENA) states in Europe’s nearby safety surroundings and foreign politics has turn into greater than ever a spotlight for consciousness, yet continues to be ill-understood. This publication offers a framework for the research of center japanese international rules typically, and for figuring out those states’ kin with Europe particularly. The e-book fills a spot within the literature on Euro-Middle jap family by way of adopting a south-to-north standpoint, utilizing the instruments of overseas coverage research to check the determinants of the overseas guidelines of the MENA states themselves: in simple terms hence can one wish to reach at a real figuring out of what underlies those states’ evolving coverage orientations and behavior in the direction of Europe. the quantity starts off through laying out a conceptual framework for research, and studying the family, local, and overseas environments that MENA overseas rules. genuine coverage output is then systematically investigated via quite a lot of state case experiences starting from the Maghreb and the Mashreq to the Gulf and Turkey. Europe is taken care of all through either as a aim of these overseas regulations, and as a part of the surroundings that shapes them. the results of a two-year undertaking subsidized through the eu collage Institute’s Mediterranean Programme, the ebook is helping bridge the divide among heart East services and the self-discipline of diplomacy. The systematic comparative research of MENA states’ international coverage with unique connection with Europe throws new mild on questions about ‘Third international’ international coverage.

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Monar concludes: ‘Its partners have to accept that . . 44 A final observation is the imbalance which has been inherent in the ‘Partnership’. Instead, EU agendas and structures have remained central, with southern Mediterranean states essentially acceding to, modestly amending, or rejecting EU initiatives and formats. The recognition shown in EU policy documents since 2003 (from the New Neighbourhood policy to the paper on strengthening relations with the Arab world) of the need to address this and foster a greater sense of ‘ownership’ on the part of the southern partner countries, seems unlikely to reverse the underlying situation.

22 In other words, when assessing the impact of the international environment on the foreign policies of MENA states, it is essential to differentiate sharply within the overall MENA category: the relevant external environment varies very significantly not only at the immediate and sub-regional level, but at the international level as well. A number of further sets of observations can be made with specific reference to the European aspect of the MENA states’ external environment. The first relates to the contrasts and tensions between the southern and northern shores of the Mediterranean; the second to the economic links, based on proximity and colonial history; and the third to the evolving European Mediterranean and Middle East policy.

8. 9. 39 Palestinian equation and a sense of government failure. The Iraq crisis of 2003 reinforced this. Policies are also in some measure based on a view of Europe as a counterweight to US. The experience of the Iraq conflict of 2003 may have added some weight to this. There is a residual effect of colonial/imperial relations, varying strongly between different states. MENA states differentiate between European states not only because of the above factor, but also because of existing levels of economic links and interests, and because of perceived differences in European states’ foreign policy stances: differing reactions to France and Britain during the Iraq crisis and war of 2002–03 are one instance that may have lingering effects, although Britain continues to be judged as clearly on a ‘European’ trajectory over the Palestine question.

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